By K S T Qureshi

Bangladesh’s democratic system has evolved through significant historical struggles and it continues to face enduring challenges in governance, accountability and service delivery, particularly at execution level. A major contributing factor has been the persistent gap between the complexity of modern governance and the capacity of elected representatives to manage public responsibilities effectively. Hence, it is necessary to have an educational qualification framework as a legal and normative prerequisite for contesting in elections at various levels of governance from the Union Parishad to the parliament. The suggested tiered system of academic thresholds is designed to introduce meritocratic principles into political representation in both rural and urban governance structures. By aligning candidacy eligibility with minimum educational credentials to elevate the quality of political leadership, administrative efficiency, and public accountability, while also enhancing trust in democratic institutions.

However, the normative tension between inclusivity and competence in democratic theory has historically tilted in favour of universal eligibility. Nevertheless, the evolving demands of governance in Bangladesh necessitate a recalibration that balances democratic accessibility with administrative competence. Meritocracy, in this context, does not imply elitism, rather a minimum guarantee that elected officials possess the intellectual and analytical foundations required to fulfil their public duties and thus, it will give rise to this conceptual basis and democratic legitimacy. As such, educational qualifications serve not only as a measure of individual capacity, but also as a symbol of legitimacy, preparation and ethical responsibility. When public offices are occupied by individuals without the requisite knowledge or comprehension of laws, budgets or policies, governance becomes reactive, inefficient and vulnerable to manipulation. Proposed Educational Requirements for Electoral Candidacy are as follows:

Union Parishad (Rural Local Government)

Member (Female)

A female candidate contesting for the position of Union Parishad Member must possess, at a minimum, a Secondary School Certificate (SSC). This ensures basic literacy, numeracy, and general education, enabling effective participation in local governance matters such as community dispute resolution, monitoring development projects, and advocating for women’s and children’s welfare.

Member (Male)

A male candidate for the same role must have completed the Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC). The rationale for this slightly higher threshold is based on education opportunity and availability of higher secondary education for young men in rural union council is greater than for young women.

Chairman

The position of Union Parishad Chairman requires significantly higher leadership and administrative competence. Therefore, candidates must possess at least a bachelor’s degree (e.g., BA, BSc, BEng, BCom, LLB, BEng, etc.). This standard reflects the need for legal awareness, budgeting knowledge, and the ability to coordinate with national development agencies.

Urban Local Government

Municipality or City Corporation Councillor / Commissioner

A candidate contesting for Councillor or Commissioner in municipality or city corporations must have at least a bachelor’s degree. These urban positions require policy understanding, legal knowledge, and direct engagement with diverse, complex urban issues such as waste management, zoning, traffic control, and digital governance systems.

Mayor (Municipality or City Corporation) and District Administrator

Given the strategic importance and executive authority vested in a Mayor, it is essential that candidates possess a bachelor’s degree with honours (e.g., BA Honours, BSc Honours, BCom Honours, LLB Honours, MBBS Honours, BEng Honours, etc.). Mayoral duties include budget oversight, urban planning, infrastructure coordination, and engagement with international development partners. Without a solid educational foundation, these responsibilities risk being mismanaged or undelivered.

National Legislature

Member of Parliament (House of Representatives)

Candidates contesting for Member of Parliament (MP) should possess at least a bachelor’s degree with honours from a recognised university or institute. MPs are responsible for national legislation, budget approval, foreign policy debate, and constitutional oversight. It is thus imperative that they demonstrate sufficient academic training and critical thinking.

Member of the Lords (House of Lords)

As part of a reformed bicameral legislative system, the House of Lords should be comprised of individuals with specialised knowledge, experience and qualifications. Therefore, candidates must also possess at least a bachelor’s degree with honours, preferably with a track record of professional or academic distinction in fields such as law, education, science, engineering, medicine, social policy. Since the parliamentary democracy of Bangladesh is consciously modelled upon the Westminster tradition, it is both logical and culturally appropriate that its proposed upper chamber should bear the historic title used in the United Kingdom: the House of Lords. Titles matter. In constitutional architecture, nomenclature is never an idle ornamentation; it carries centuries of symbolism, expectation and institutional memory. By adopting the name “House of Lords,” Bangladesh would be signalling an aspiration towards dignified governance, judicious deliberation, and the elevation of public duty above transient political passions.

The term “Lords” may initially appear aristocratic or antiquated; however, such assumptions falter on closer inspection. What is at stake is not the recreation of medieval privilege, but the inheritance of a civic ethos, which is honour without vanity, restraint without weakness, and national service without reward. Members of the upper chamber, conscious that they sit not merely in a senate but in a “House of Lords,” are more likely to recognise the moral gravitas of their position. The very name invites decorum, scholarship, and a measured temperament. It offers the psychological prestige required to foster responsibility rather than opportunism. Continuity of this nomenclature would reinforce Bangladesh’s constitutional lineage. A parliamentary system built on Westminster principles need not fear acknowledging its intellectual parentage, as such acknowledgement will strengthen institutional legitimacy. A House of Lords in Bangladesh would stand as a guardian of constitutional balance, a moderating force above party feuds. Its name, steeped in dignity, would inspire a culture wherein legislators feel ennobled by duty and therefore, bound to honour it.

Further, all academic qualifications referenced must be obtained from recognised public or private educational institutions, whether domestic or international. Unaccredited or honorary degrees must be categorically disqualified. A centralised certification body under the Bangladesh Election Commission, in collaboration with the University Grants Commission (UGC), should be tasked with verifying educational documents, institutional recognition and standards of certificates prior to candidacy approval. The judiciary must be given the authority to adjudicate disputes over fraudulent or misrepresented academic credentials.

In conclusion, Bangladesh’s democratic maturity demands a shift from populism to professionalism, especially in the management of public institutions. Educational qualifications are not a silver bullet, but they are a necessary foundation for competent governance. A system based on tiered academic requirements, as proposed here, will help align public office with public responsibility. This reform is not exclusionary, but an affirmative move towards building a qualified, responsible, and ethical political leadership capable of delivering justice, development and progress to the people of Bangladesh.